By Patrick Tyler
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Additional resources for A Great Wall: Six Presidents and China
At the age of fifty-six, Lake had returned to Washington with the new Clinton administration bearing the quiet but nonetheless triumphal aura of a man whose adherence to principle was getting its reward. Lake had been among the small group of aides to Henry Kissinger who were disillusioned by their realization, in May 1970, that the Nixon-Kissinger approach to ending die war in Vietnam would be to escalate and expand it into Cambodia. ' Whereas Kissinger relied on the "unsentimental" approach of balancing the power of potential adversaries to improve American security, Lake believed in a foreign policy based on power and morality.
But they did, literally at the stroke of midnight on the first day they had announced for the exercises. M. eastern standard time, still March 7 in Washington (Beijing is 13 hours ahead), American intelligence satellites detected the first fiery plumes of two ballistic missiles rising from mobile launchers hidden in die valleys and mountains of southeastern China. Chinese soldiers and technicians of the Second Artillery Coqw, which operates the country's nuclear and conventional rocket forces, cheered the missiles into the night sky.
The Chinese Manifest Destiny has come to signify reasserting China's sovereignty over Tibet, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan. It is not difficult for Americans to understand these sentiments, as they mirror their own notions of national sovereignty and territorial ambition. The average Chinese, of course, wants no part of war with Taiwan, or of Chinese killing Chinese. But the notion of such a war is nonetheless deeply imbedded in the political culture of the 58 million members of the Chinese Communist Party and the PLA.
A Great Wall: Six Presidents and China by Patrick Tyler